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Gjergj Thopia

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Gjergj Thopia
Gjergj Topia
Prince of Albania
Lord of Durrës
An inscription from Saint John Vladimir's Church records Gjergj as the most illustrious firstborn son of Prince Karl Thopia and commemorates their joint construction of the church in 1381
Prince of Albania
Reign1388—1392
PredecessorKarl Thopia
Lord of Durrës
Reign1388—1392
PredecessorKarl Thopia
SuccessorPosition abolished
(Relinquished to Venice)
Born13??
Principality of Albania
DiedOctober 1392
Durrës, Principality of Albania
SpouseTeodora Branković
HouseThopia
FatherKarl Thopia
MotherVoisava Balsha
ReligionRoman Catholic

Gjergj Thopia (Albanian: Gjergj Topia; fl. 1388 – d. 1392), also known as Giorgio, Georg or George was an Albanian Prince and member of the Thopia family. He was the Prince of Albania and the Lord of Durrës from 1388 to 1392.[1]

Life and Reign

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Prince Gjergj, was the firstborn son of Karl Thopia who was the Prince of Albania and Voisava Balsha.[2][3] Not much is known about his early life. Gjergj succeeded his father as Prince of Albania following his death in January 1388.[4][5][6][7] He declared himself Princeps Albaniae (Prince of Albania) and Lord of Durrës, although he ultimately had to settle for the latter title due to most of his father’s possessions falling under Ottoman control.[8]

Gjergj married Teodora, the daughter of sevastokrator Branko Mladenović.[9] During his reign, they were documented as possessing a golden crown, and four pairs of pearl earrings.[10]

In April 1391, tensions between the Thopia family and the Balsha family reignited.[11] This rivalry was partly driven by power struggles in Italy and Western Europe, where Ladislaus of Naples was competing against the French claimant, Louis II of Anjou, for the kingdom of Naples.[12] Thopia, proud of his Anjou heritage, aligned himself with Louis and received support from Pope Clement VII, who had become the first antipope during the Western Schism.[13] However, Pope Boniface IX opposed Thopia’s ties with Antipope Clement, preferring Gjergj II Balsha to govern Durrës instead of Gjergj Thopia.[14] Despite this, it was Venice’s political moves in 1392 that marked a crucial turning point for Gjergj Thopia’s and Gjergj II Balsha's holdings.[15]

Venetian Relations and the Ottoman Threat

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Following the Battle of Kosovo and the advancing forces of Murad I’s Ottomans, Gjergj Thopia closely aligned himself with Venice.[16] Although Venice provided military support, it also began preparations for Gjergj’s eventual death, given his declining health.[17] The Republic established a faction in Durrës to bolster its position, and by the spring of 1391, it had stationed a strong garrison in the city.[18][19] The presence of neighboring Albanian tribes and Ottoman-aligned chieftains seeking control of Durrës only added to the political instability during Gjergj’s rule.

Model of Durrës Castle during the Medieval era

Once Ottoman forces began to assert control in areas previously held by different Balkan lords, the Venetian Council of Pregadi reassessed Albania’s strategic importance in relation to the Ottoman Empire.[20] The rationale behind the Council’s decisions in early 1392 was largely driven by the threat of Ottoman expansion, rather than a desire for territorial conquest by Venice itself.[21] This decision reflected concerns over merchant safety and the potential for profit from Albanian lands.[22] Venice’s entry into Albanian cities, including Durrës, was carefully planned, with specific objectives in mind.[23]

A significant moment in Venice’s involvement was highlighted by a Council speech on March 8, 1392, discussing the critical need to secure Durrës against the Ottoman threat.[24] The speakers emphasized the considerable investments Venice had made in protecting the city and warned of the severe consequences if Durrës fell into Ottoman hands.[25] The speech sought to justify Venice’s moral responsibility to protect Christians and prevent the city’s fall.[26] A detailed plan was proposed, instructing Captain Saraceno Dandolo to meet with Gjergj Thopia, assure him of Venice’s support, and secure the castle with Venetian expenses.[27]

The Speech:

"That god knows, and this is evident to His Lordship [Thopia], and should be evident from experience, that because the sincere affection and love which we have had, continue to have, and plan on having forever to his grandeur, his state and his city of Durrës, we have never ceased to have him in our minds, make provisions, advise him and do everything we know and can do for the conservation of his status, his city of Durrës and his honour, so that this city does not fall into the infidel hands of the Turks.(…) And [that] our dominium has been, and is, vigilant for the con- servation of [the city], and certainly our intentions and most favourable desires to his city and his Lordship have been evident hence, as conse- quence of these actions, for we and His Lordship were pleased that the city was put under our custody, and strengthened with our expenditures, which until now have preserved the city and been an obstacle to the Turks’ intentions. But considering his condition and the state of those places, and that the Turks will not cease to seek the dominion of the city by all means and ways (…) unless one sound remedy is put in place (…). We therefore beg His Lordship with the greatest pleas we can, for the sake of Christianity, his own and the city’s, that he may consent that the castle of Durrës be secured and guarded with our expenses (…). And he may go back to live in the city with his family, holding the rule, governance, right of entry, delivers justice, and be in sum the lord that he is now, in conclu-sion that by doing this, it will be known by means of his good intention that he always declared and manifested to have regarding Christianity and specially our dominion."[28]

The speech included a nuanced discussion of the challenges in convincing Thopia to accept Venice’s terms, including the potential need for a financial stipend to persuade him.[29] If these efforts failed, the instructions allowed for a more assertive approach, including the seizure of the castle under Thopia’s name.[30] Despite some opposition from Council Experts, the proposal to secure the castle at all costs was ultimately adopted, reflecting the Venetian commitment to protect their interests in the region against Ottoman encroachment.[31]

In 1392, during a Venetian Council meeting, the council addressed the growing threat to Gjergj Thopia’s rule in Durrës from both the Ottomans and the Balsha.[32] A detailed entry from this council session highlighted Venice’s authoritative involvement in managing the situation, marking a significant shift in Thopia’s status.[33] Despite internal disagreements within the council, the decision was made to appoint the Venetian castellan Paolo da Canal to manage the fortress without direct military conflict.[34]

Requests and Final Years

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In August 1392, the Venetian Council received Gjergj Thopia’s demands following Venice’s takeover of Durrës.[35] Gjergj's ambassadors asked for ratification of existing pacts with Saraceno Dandolo, assistance in regaining control of additional lands and castles, changes to the currency, a financial loan, and measures to ensure the safe return of Albanians from the countryside who were under Turkish rule.[36] The Council’s response was positive, repeating Thopia’s requests with reassurances that future Venetian Captains would follow suit.[37] This agreement was expedited by Thopia’s serious illness, which was noted by the council.[38] Additionally, Thopia’s personal request for a gift of sweets and pastries was handled separately as an additional order to the Venetian captain in the city.[39]

Relinquishment and Death

[edit]

Gjergj relinquished control of Durrës to the Venetian Gulf captain Saraceno Dandolo in 1392, under increasing pressure from Venice and due to his declining health and political instability. Dandolo formally took possession of the city and its territory following Gjergj’s death, this transfer marked the city's submission to Venetian authority.[40][41][42][43][44][45] Gjergj Thopia passed away in October of the same year, without leaving any heirs.[46][47][48] Following his death, the Venetian Council responded by donating an additional 25 gold ducats to Durrës.[49]

His sister, Helena Thopia, gained the bulk of the rest of his holdings, whilst a smaller portion was left to his younger sister, Voisava Thopia.[50][51] He had two further half-siblings from his father's affairs, Niketa Thopia, who eventually attacked and forcefully took control of Krujë, as well as, Maria Thopia, who became Baroness of Botrugno in Italy and granted refuge to Helena and her son Stefan Maramonte.

In August 1393, one year after Gjergj Thopia’s embassy to Venice, an ambassador from Durrës arrived representing the commune.[52] The Maritime Experts presented his requests to the Venetian council, which mostly involved local issues.[53] However, one request sparked disagreement among the Experts, especially regarding the impact of Gjergj's past decisions on Durrës.[54] Marco Morosini and Benedetto Cappello highlighted the problem of Thopia’s sale of properties and people to Albanians, leading to forced migrations.[55] The council’s instructions to the governor, Zorzi, focused on ensuring the safety and return of Venice’s subjects—whether from Durrës or Albania—while also prioritizing the repopulation of the city.[56] Antonio Contarini’s proposal ultimately prevailed, allowing for a more inclusive approach to repopulating the city and addressing the effects of Gjergj's past actions.[57] The decision was made after several rounds of voting, indicating some internal divisions within the council.[58]

Progon Dukagjini, who was Gjergj Thopia’s brother-in-law through his sister Voisava Thopia, presented several petitions on behalf of himself and his wife during his visit to Venice in August 1393.[59] Out of the ten requests, one included the return of precious items belonging to Gjergj Thopia, which were held by the commune, likely made on behalf of his sister, Voisava.[60]

Family tree

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See also

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References

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  1. ^ Lamprecht, Karl (1877). Allgemeine Staatengeschichte vom lateinischen Kreuzzuge bis zur Vollendung der osmanischen Eroberung : 1204 - 1470. Perthes. p. 416. ...Georg Thopia von Durazzo (1388-1392)...
  2. ^ Stair Sainty, Guy (2018). The Constantinian Order of Saint George and the Angeli, Farnese and Bourbon families which governed it. Boletín Oficial del Estado. p. 503. ISBN 978-8-4340-2506-6. ...Gjergj Thopia, the son of Karolus Thopia and Voislava Balsha....
  3. ^ Elsie, Robert (2003). Early Albania A Reader of Historical Texts, 11th-17th Centuries. Harrassowitz. p. 52. ISBN 978-3-4470-4783-8. ...The aforementioned sons fled back to their country. Later on, the said Lord Charles married Lady Voisava, the daughter of Lord Balsha, and had one son called George...
  4. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 83. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...He died in January, 1388. His only son (George Thopia) succeeded him...
  5. ^ E. Jacques, Edwin (2009). The Albanians: An Ethnic History from Prehistoric Times to the Present - Volume 1. McFarland & Company. p. 174. ISBN 978-0-7864-4238-6. ...Upon the death of Karl Topia (1388) his sickly son Gjergj headed the principality...
  6. ^ Fine, Jr, John V. A. (1994). The Late Medieval Balkans A Critical Survey from the Late Twelfth Century to the Ottoman Conquest. University of Michigan Press. p. 391. ISBN 978-0-4720-8260-5. ...However, Karlo Thopia died in 1387 or 1388. He was buried in a church he built near modern Elbasan. His epitaph was given in three languages–Greek, Latin and Serbian. Under George Thopia, his son and heir...
  7. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela. Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 83. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...George declared himself princeps Albaniae...
  8. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 83. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...George declared himself princeps Albaniae, although he was eventually forced to make do with the title of Lord of Durres, because the majority of his father's possessions had fallen under Ottoman control...
  9. ^ Veselinović & Ljušić 2002.
  10. ^ Andromaqi Gjergji. Albanian Costumes Through the Centuries Origin, Types, Evolution. Indiana University. p. 15. ISBN 978-9-9943-6144-1. ...A document of the year 1363 mentions a crown decorated with pearls and precious stones, while documents of the years 1393, 1399, and 1400 speak of a gold crown and four pairs of pearl earrings which belonged to the wife of Gjergj Topia...
  11. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 83. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...In April, 1391, the rivalry between the Thopias and the Balsici reignited...
  12. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 83. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...According to Schmitt, this came partly as a consequence of the power struggles occurring in Italy and western Europe: Ladislaus of Naples was contending— against the French Louis I of Anjou-for the kingdom of Naples...
  13. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 83. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ... Thopia, proud of his Anjou lineage, sided with Louis. Pope Clement vii also supported Louis. Clement vii became the first antipope of the Western Schism, thus earning the antagonism of Pope Boniface Ix, the Roman claimant to leadership of the Catholic church...
  14. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 83. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...Boniface ix declared that, due to George's association with Antipope Clement in Avignon, he (Boniface) preferred that George Stracimirovié rule Durrës instead of his Thopia namesake...
  15. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 83. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...Yet the pope's interference had few real repercussions; it was the political events initiated by Venice in 1392 which marked the turning point for George Stracimirovié's and George Topia's possessions...
  16. ^ Lamprecht, Karl (1877). Allgemeine Staatengeschichte vom lateinischen Kreuzzuge bis zur Vollendung der osmanischen Eroberung : 1204 - 1470. Perthes. p. 416. ...Das mächtige Vordringen der Osmanen Murads I gegen Westen vor und nach der Schlacht bei Kossowa hatte schon im Jahre 1388 den albanesischen Häuptling 1388 1392 Georg Thopia dahin getrieben sich so eng als möglich an Venedig...
  17. ^ Lamprecht, Karl (1877). Allgemeine Staatengeschichte vom lateinischen Kreuzzuge bis zur Vollendung der osmanischen Eroberung : 1204 - 1470. Perthes. p. 416. ...anzuschließen welches ihn allerdings nach Kräften militärisch unterstützte...
  18. ^ Lamprecht, Karl (1877). Allgemeine Staatengeschichte vom lateinischen Kreuzzuge bis zur Vollendung der osmanischen Eroberung : 1204 - 1470. Perthes. p. 416. ...dabei aber nicht versäumte für den Fall des Ablebens des kränklichen Mannes sich in der Stadt eine Partei zu machen...
  19. ^ Lamprecht, Karl (1877). Allgemeine Staatengeschichte vom lateinischen Kreuzzuge bis zur Vollendung der osmanischen Eroberung : 1204 - 1470. Perthes. p. 416. ...Da nun auch andere Nachbarn nach Durazzo lüstern waren namentlich verschiedene alba nesische Stämme und Häuptlinge die sich den Osmanen an geschlossen hatten so besetzte Venedig schon im Frühling 1391 Durazzo mit einer starken Garnison bewog...
  20. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 154. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...Once Ottoman forces gained strength in those areas formerly controlled by Serbian lords, the pregadi viewed Albania with new eyes, assessing the value of the territories and the advantages they offered in relation to the Ottomans' machinations...
  21. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 155. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...The rationale behind the Council's decisions of early 1392 was driven by the unwelcome sight of increased Ottoman power in the area and not, as some scholars have suggested, by Venice's desire to pursue territorial conquest...
  22. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 155. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...To a lesser, though important extent, other elements also affected the pregadi's judgment. Such factors included the sustenance of merchant galley security and the expectation of obtaining profit from Albanian lands. Disagreement over control in Albania due to potential political conflicts or excessive expense was an inherent part of Council discussion...
  23. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 155. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...The first stage of Venice's incursion into the area shows that the Council envisioned specific goals through its involvement in each of the Albanian cities Venice sought to control...
  24. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 155. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...The entry signalling the decisive step in Venice's securing control of Durrës is an I-entry from March 8, 1392. A group of board members brought the latest state of affairs in Durrës to the Council's consideration: Durrës, to whose conservation we have kept watch for so long and with such pains and expenses, is now more than ever under threat of pass-ing to the hands of the infidel Turks unless something is planned imme-diately. If this comes to happen, god forbid, how much would result in harm, and disgrace and defacement of all Christianity. And the mandate pertains specifically to our commune, under whose flag, until now, that city can be said to have been protected, and continues to be protected. Moreover, [passing to Ottoman hands] may be said and imputed to us as great sin, allowing so many Christians to become infidels, for it is we the ones who can oppose this trouble....
  25. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 155. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...The scribes' recording of such lengthy introduction highlights the plentiful resources that Venice had already invested in safeguarding Durrës...
  26. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 155. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...In analys-ing this entry, O'Connell remarks that 'Venice did not want to rely simply on a treaty to assure its control but acted to control public perceptions as well', while Schmitt takes Venice's moral considerations and 'shame' of failing its Christian subjects at face value. Either way, disingenuous or not, the speak- ers' moral justification gives reason to Venice's seizure of the castle in Durrës and adds weight to the prohemium...
  27. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 156. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...After this introduction, a plan was pro-posed; the speakers delineate its strategy in this way: It is proposed, to avoid [an Ottoman takeover] and for our own sake, to command the Captain of the Gulf [Saraceno Dandolo] that when he is there, he should become fully informed from the consul, citizens and friends there about George's [Thopia] situation, after which [the Captain] should meet him in person and, after doing the pertinent salutations (…), and with benevolent words, say:...
  28. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 156. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...— Here the instruction begins— That god knows, and this is evident to His Lordship [Thopia], and should be evident from experience, that because the sincere affection and love which we have had, continue to have, and plan on having forever to his grandeur, his state and his city of Durrës, we have never ceased to have him in our minds, make provisions, advise him and do everything we know and can do for the conservation of his status, his city of Durrës and his honour, so that this city does not fall into the infidel hands of the Turks. (…) And [that] our dominium has been, and is, vigilant for the con- servation of [the city], and certainly our intentions and most favourable desires to his city and his Lordship have been evident hence, as conse- quence of these actions, for we and His Lordship were pleased that the city was put under our custody, and strengthened with our expenditures, which until now have preserved the city and been an obstacle to the Turks' intentions. But considering his condition and the state of those places, and that the Turks will not cease to seek the dominion of the city by all means and ways (…) unless one sound remedy is put in place (…). We therefore beg His Lordship with the greatest pleas we can, for the sake of Christianity, his own and the city's, that he may consent that the castle of Durrës be secured and guarded with our expenses (…). And he may go back to live in the city with his family, holding the rule, governance, right of entry, delivers justice, and be in sum the lord that he is now, in conclu- sion that by doing this, it will be known by means of his good intention that he always declared and manifested to have regarding Christianity and specially our dominion...
  29. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 157. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...A considerable percentage of this speech's length goes into listing the argu- ments which the Captain should present to Thopia. However, the mention of Thopia's weakened state is so subtle that it passes almost unnoticed. The length and weight of the instruction section in this proposal shows that the speech carried the signoria's authoritative power. The long section of instruc- tions is a form of ensuring accountability from the Captain: he must use these arguments in addressing Thopia, not any others. Furthermore, in this entry, the instruction section is connected to the entry's incipit, and it is the entry's introduction which reinforces the importance that the speakers assigned to this matter. After all, it was an executive decision. In other words, there is no mention that this discussion came as a consequence of any specific letter, intel- ligence or from any hearsay. Instead, it emphasises the speakers' awareness of imminent threat to Durrës. By taking control of the castle, Venice could main-tain a vigilant eye on the Adriatic and safely capitalise on Durrës' salt...
  30. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 158. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...The end of the instruction to Dandolo states: 'with these words and rea- sons, and others that may seem appropriate to the Captain, he should procure to induce [Thopia] to accept and therefore to obtain our goal'. The speakers concede that Thopia can be difficult and stubborn, in which case the Captain should promise him, and other citizens of Durrës, a yearly stipend of up to 500 ducats, or less, if possible. However, if Thopia still does not agree to the terms offered, in spite of Dandolo exhausting all possible means of convincing him, the latter should not walk away. If he and the vice- captains accompany- ing him perceive that an Ottoman takeover is likely, then they must— however possible— seize the castle, arm it, and protect it under Thopia's name, while sending him and his family away to the city...
  31. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 158. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...Although there was no disagreement over the instruction to Dandolo, four Experts weighed in and opposed the latter course of action. According to the second proposal, if Dandolo could not convince Thopia to accept the terms offered, the Captain should refrain from taking further action and instead con- centrate on keeping his eyes and ears open: he should attempt to discover the particulars of Thopia's state of health, the state of the city, the citizens' gen- eral spirit and, in sum, any information he can gather, which then should be immediately conveyed to the Council. The first motion, drawing a clear line between the invested resources and the need to secure the castle at all costs— even without Thopia's approval— won (the vote count was, respectively: and 23 - 2 - 11)...
  32. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 159. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...Schmitt intuitively recognised this entry's importance, for he reproduces it in considerable length, although without explaining why this is more impor- tant than, or why it differs from, a 'regular' Council decision. As he points out, Thopia's rule was on the verge of collapse due to the double pressure of the Ottomans and the Balšić...
  33. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 159. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...Yet it would be inadequate to assess the entry's weight according to external developments alone. All sections within this entry point to the matter's importance. First, the prohemium states that the main cause for the discussion was the Council's work of interpreting the importance of Durrës— rather than a report from abroad. Second, the strategy emphasises that, however possible, Dandolo should achieve the Council's goal. Last (and more importantly), this is an I- entry: the presence of the lengthy directive recording in careful detail what the signoria says served to highlight that the proposal contained an authoritative involvement of Venice's state power. The opposing proposal implied that some board members would have preferred a more subtle appropriation of the castle, but not that the entire affair should be put to question. The importance assigned to the castle's acquisition is also visible in rela- tion to other discussions on that day. On the agenda were nine other discus- sions,24 some of which dealt with sensitive matters, but the discussion on how to approach Thopia was no ordinary one. It was the only record registered in the secret deliberations for that day; no other secret entry was recorded again for more than a month...
  34. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 159. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...In general, the plan of the first group of speakers worked. Pacts were made and, while attempting to set up a barrier against the Ottomans, the Venetians had taken control of Durrës. This was done not through violence or by for-mal removal of Thopia, but rather by appointing a Venetian castellan, Paolo da Canal, to guard the fortress. Thopia, in turn, decided to send an embassy to Venice with requests...
  35. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 160. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...On August 9, 1392, the Council received Thopia's demands in light of Venice's takeover...
  36. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 160. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...His ambassadors asked for ratification of the pacts made between him and Saraceno Dandolo, the Captain; additionally, Thopia requested assis- tance in acquiring other lands and castles, a change to a different form of currency, a financial loan, the securing of safe return of Albanians from the countryside from Turkish territories, and so on...
  37. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 160. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...The Council Experts agreed to each request in rote fashion. This was recorded in the condescending tone of reassurance typical of R- entries: it is not that the Captain may ('faciat') help him, but that he and all future Captains will follow suit ('facient'). Each responses' wording is a repetition of Thopia's request, the difference being that the responses begin with sentences such as 'he should be certain that we love him, and will do what we can', 'it pleases us' or 'we are favourably disposed to please him'.26 This entry adheres strictly to R- entries' normal template. Moreover, no opposition is offered to Thopia's demands. But this should not be taken to mean that Thopia held a dominant position whereby Venice had no option but to agree to his terms. The reason for this instantaneous agreement was recorded just below the R- entry and constitutes the day's last recorded entry...
  38. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 160. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...As suggested above, the pregadi were fully aware that Thopia was ill; this was explicitly stated once again that day. Alongside the response intended for the ambassadors, the pregadi discussed the content of a letter sent by Dandolo about Thopia...
  39. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 160. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...The Captain's letter contained one further request by Thopia which was not presented by his ambassadors: Given that the lord of Durrës is seriously ill, as it is known, and according to what our Captain of the Gulf writes to us, he will be quite pleased if sweets and pastries are offered to him. It is proposed that 25 ducats can be spent in what seems appropriate to the dominium, for giving them to him as a present...
  40. ^ Lamprecht, Karl (1877). Allgemeine Staatengeschichte vom lateinischen Kreuzzuge bis zur Vollendung der osmanischen Eroberung : 1204 - 1470. Perthes. p. 416. ...im März 1392 den hinsiechenden Georg Thopia schon jetzt die Citadelle dem Golfkapitän Saraceno Dandolo zu übergeben und ergriff nach Georgs Tode im Oktober desselben Jahres von der Stadt und ihrem Gebiete förmlich Besiz Mit...
  41. ^ E. Jacques, Edwin (2009). The Albanians: An Ethnic History from Prehistoric Times to the Present - Volume 1. McFarland & Company. p. 174. ISBN 978-0-7864-4238-6. ...Being an ineffective ruler anyway, he yielded to Venetian pressure and left Durrës to Venice just before he died in 1392...
  42. ^ Elsie, Robert (2003). Early Albania A Reader of Historical Texts, 11th-17th Centuries. Harrassowitz. p. 52. ISBN 978-3-4470-4783-8. ...This George pledged Durrës to the Venetians...
  43. ^ Fine, Jr, John V. A. (1994). The Late Medieval Balkans A Critical Survey from the Late Twelfth Century to the Ottoman Conquest. University of Michigan Press. p. 418. ISBN 978-0-4720-8260-5. ...In 1392 George Thopia, the weak and ill son of Karlo Thopia, surrendered Durazzo to the Venetians. They immediately set to work to improve Durazzo's already most impressive fortifications(as early as the eleventh century its walls had been so thick that four horsemen could ride abreast on top of them.) The Venetians were to hold Durazzo until 1501...
  44. ^ O'Connell, Monique (2009). Men of Empire Power and Negotiation in Venice's Maritime State. Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 26. ISBN 9780801891458. At the end of 1389, Carlo Thopia died and Durrës passed to his equally sickly son Giorgio, who died in 1392.
  45. ^ Oliver Jens Schmitt, Bernd J. Fischer (2022). A Concise History of Albania. Cambridge University Press. p. 42. ISBN 978-1-1070-1773-3. ...Following the battle of Kosovo, the Ottomans increased pressure on the Albanian lords on the Adriatic coast who implored Venice to help secure their lordships. In 1392, Venice took control of Durrës which had been offered by its ruler George Thopia...
  46. ^ Lamprecht, Karl (1877). Allgemeine Staatengeschichte vom lateinischen Kreuzzuge bis zur Vollendung der osmanischen Eroberung : 1204 - 1470. Perthes. p. 417. ...zu übergeben und ergriff nach Georgs Tode im Oktober desselben Jahres von der Stadt und ihrem Gebiete förmlich Besiz Mit...
  47. ^ Fine, Jr, John V. A. (1994). The Late Medieval Balkans A Critical Survey from the Late Twelfth Century to the Ottoman Conquest. University of Michigan Press. p. 418. ISBN 978-0-4720-8260-5. ...Later that year George Thopia died without issue...
  48. ^ Elsie, Robert (2003). Early Albania A Reader of Historical Texts, 11th-17th Centuries. Harrassowitz. p. 52. ISBN 978-3-4470-4783-8. ...This George pledged Durrës to the Venetians but he died without leaving heirs...
  49. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 161. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...In this case, communication between the Council and Durrës followed nor- mal conventions, but with a twist. The R- entry summarising the ambassadors' requests and the official response given to them created no visible controversy among board members. This may partially be explained by Thopia's personal request to the Captain, which was recorded immediately below the R- entry. The lord's personal wish was not included in the official response but handled as a separate order to the Captain, who was still in the city, in order to fulfil the Council's command. Thopia's death, therefore, was not entirely unexpected. Roughly two months later, on November 7, the Council agreed to donate a further 25 gold ducats to Durrës, since the commune itself had taken on the expense of sending the Venetian consul in Durrës to the Senate for the purpose of informing its mem- bers of the former lord's passing...
  50. ^ John V. A. Fine. The Late Medieval Balkans A Critical Survey from the Late Twelfth Century to the Ottoman Conquest. University of Michigan Press. p. 418. ISBN 978-0-4720-8260-5. ...The bulk of his holdings, for he surrendered only Durazzo and environs to Venice, went to his sister Helena. (A small piece was left to his younger sister Vojsava, who was married to a patrician of Durazzo known as Lord [Kyr] Isaac. That couple continued to reside in Durazzo under the Venetians.)...
  51. ^ E. Jacques, Edwin (2009). The Albanians: An Ethnic History from Prehistoric Times to the Present - Volume 1. McFarland & Company. p. 174. ISBN 978-0-7864-4238-6. ...The remainder of his principality was divided among the daughters of Karl and other relatives, who fought with both Venice and the Turks until Kruja fell to the latter in 1425...
  52. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 166. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...On August 17, 1393, one year after Thopia's embassy to Venice, an ambas- sador came from Durrës. This time, he arrived to represent the commune...
  53. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 166. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...The Maritime Experts were tasked with presenting the ambassador's requests to the pregadi. The Experts added clauses, or slightly modified his petitions, which were mostly related to the local affairs of the commune.42 The Experts' discussion of seven of those petitions was recorded as a normal R- entry...
  54. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 166. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...For the last demand, however, there was disagreement among several Maritime Experts. The entries corresponding to their diverging opinions were not recorded as a response to the ambassador in the same manner as the other seven requests, but as entries containing an instruction section. The atypical type of entry used to record the Experts' interventions displays the importance of Venice's challenge to control Durrës. This challenge demanded that the signoria address the people of Durrës through the Venetian governor. The first bill, by Marco Morosini and Benedetto Cappello, summarises why the ambas- sador's last request was of particular importance: When George Thopia was lord of the city, he illicitly sold certain prop- erties and territories, together with the people living in them, to some Albanians. By doing so, these Albanians own these people, who are from Durrës, Christians and good people, as servants and slaves. For this reason, they are forced to go begging to Apulia and to other foreign lands, for the greatest detriment of Durrës, and because of the harshness of these Albanians, who want to treat these poor people in such a way, [the city] remains uninhabited...
  55. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 167. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...According to Morosini and Cappello's proposal, the governor of Durrës (Francesco Zorzi) needed to summon these Albanians and convince them 'with most effective reasons and arguments' that under no circumstance could the Durrachini be made either servants or slaves, as they were not servants or slaves by birth or class. The Albanians were clearly not about to forgo the lands Thopia gave them, but Zorzi should make them understand that divine law prohibits Christians from being sold as servant...
  56. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 167. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...If he failed to convince the Albanians, Zorzi should then address Durrës' citizens directly, telling them that: Our intention is that whoever is not a servant, slave by birth or class, bought as slave or is a milling servant, and has lived in the lands donated by George [Thopia] or in [the lands] of other of these Albanians, he may be allowed, securely and with no impediments, to come and live in Durrës and other territories belonging to us. The strategy for approaching the Albanians was concise: Zorzi should summon them. The instruction about what to say to them lacks the detail and preci-sion of, for example, the instruction to Helena quoted earlier. Nevertheless, the core of the governor's argument is stated clearly: he should find a way to convey it to them. However, the entry's emphasis on where the signoria's voice should be heard rests in the governor's public statement to the people of Durrës, not in his words to the Albanians. Although only four pregadi supported Morosini and Cappello, the many other contending proposals also meant that the gover-nor's instruction to the Durrsake48 ended up being longer and more structured than the one to the Albanians. According to the record of the second interven-tion, made by Antonio Bragadin, the most crucial goal of this whole affair was to ensure that Venice's subjects were not tortured. Therefore, if Zorzi failed to convince the Albanians to let the people go, Zorzi should publicly proclaim that all citizens and loyal subjects of Venice, Albanians and Durrsake alike, who had been sold, estranged or expelled from Durrës, may freely, securely and without retribution return to live in Durrës or its vicinities...
  57. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 168. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...Antonio Contarini pre-sented yet another possible course of action. His intervention placed an added emphasis on the city itself, whose priority was to be repopulated. For Durrës' sake, 'it is fair and pious to help those wretched people who go begging to for-eign lands'. Therefore, Zorzi should proclaim publicly that everybody, whether Durrsak or Albanian, had as many as five years to live in Durrës without issue. During this time, they would not be subject to prosecution, and while they resolved their individual situations, the city would again be filled with peo-ple. All opposing entries were recorded as regular counter-proposals, thereby suggesting that this whole affair created certain divisiveness among the board members and among the pregadi, but not that the matter was decisive for Venice...
  58. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 169. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...Four rounds of voting were needed before the pregadi made up their minds. In the end, Contarini was victorious (41 - 14 - 19). Such divisiveness explains why the structure of the entry does not follow the expected template. Although the discussion on this last point came as the con-sequence of an ambassadorial request, the entry does not record a response to the emissary. Instead, several entries stress that the Council should undo Thopia's allowance of slavery. The entry includes instruction sections which correspond to two different acts of communication entrusted to the governor, yet the importance assigned to each is not identical. In this sense, what the signoria says to the Albanians in the countryside was not decisive for the city's future. Even if the Albanians refused to comply with the governor, the Council gave Zorzi the power to address the city directly, and therefore the means to overrule them...
  59. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 173. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...Between May 27 and July 2, the Council met only twice: on June 6, the sena-tors elected patroni for the merchant galleys. On June 8, the Council assembled to discuss a response to Progon, who was again in Venice. Since the Dukagjini brothers had visited the city in the summer of 1394, one brother (Tanush) had died defending the castle from an Ottoman assault, while the other, Progon, had married Voyasclava, George Thopia's sister. In the R-entry corresponding to Progon's arrival, the Council's need to respond was justified due to Progon's lack of financial ability to stay in Venice over an extended period: A certain Progon Dukagjini is here; he is one of the two Albanian nobles from whom we acquired the castle of Lezhë. He extended to us some petitions on his and his wife's behalf, pleading for a response since he is here at great expense. Progon's petition contained ten clauses. Unlike in the previous year, Venice had achieved considerable administrative continuity in Lezhë and Durrës' power units. The manner in which Progon's petitions were handled says much about the Council's confidence in its authority over the castle in Lezhë. Progon's requests revolved around monetary affairs...
  60. ^ Rojas Molina, Grabiela (2022). Decoding Debate in the Venetian Senate Short Stories of Crisis and Response on Albania (1392-1402). Brill. p. 173-174. ISBN 978-9-0045-2093-6. ...These included the governor's accountability in reporting trade revenue, further financial assistance from Venice, permission to take over a salt mine, the return of precious items belonging to the late George Thopia to him (they were in the commune's possession), among others...

Sources

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Preceded byas Prince of Albania Prince of Albania
1388–92 		Succeeded byas Lady of Krujë
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